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Thread: Tom Gordon: Bit of an annus horribilis for Nicola Sturgeon and the SNP

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    Tom Gordon: Bit of an annus horribilis for Nicola Sturgeon and the SNP

    http://heraldscotland.com/news/17328...n-and-the-snp/

    A bit ungallant of Mr Gordon to lead with a photo of Nicola Sturgeon falling over and attempting to show hers, but there you are.

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    I couldn't access the article. I tried registering but, it seems, that the Opera Browser is not acceptable for the Herald website. Switching to Firefox, there it was in full. I should have thought of that move earlier.
    Tom Gordon is a Unionist and the Herald is a Unionist paper. A dodgy picture of the FM is nothing new and an article that is nothing but a hotchpotch of bile is only to be expected. You can expect nothing else from that man or that rag!!!

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    Quote Originally Posted by Borchester View Post
    http://heraldscotland.com/news/17328...n-and-the-snp/

    A bit ungallant of Mr Gordon to lead with a photo of Nicola Sturgeon falling over and attempting to show hers, but there you are.
    She is a disgusting looking woman, why would anyone be interested ?
    Keep Britain British, whoops, it's too late

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    Quote Originally Posted by Know it View Post
    She is a disgusting looking woman, why would anyone be interested ?
    That is a rude & nasty comment!!!

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    Quote Originally Posted by morayloon View Post
    That is a rude & nasty comment!!!
    Perhaps, but true none the less
    Keep Britain British, whoops, it's too late

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    Quote Originally Posted by morayloon View Post
    I couldn't access the article.
    Here you go Moray, complete with Wee Krankie showing her delight at remembering to wear clean knickers for her photo op..


    Tom Gordon: Bit of an annus horribilis for Nicola Sturgeon and the SNP

    By Tom Gordon

    Nicola Sturgeon, Alex Salmond and John Swinney.



    It has been a fascinating 2018 for the SNP, but seldom in a good way.
    91 comments
    It was a strange lull for Nicola Sturgeon’s party, the first year since 2013 without an election or a referendum to animate it. Arguably, it was the first such year for a decade, given 2013 was so dominated by the independence fight.
    It showed. The SNP lacked its usual dynamo.
    The absence of a campaign put the spotlight on to its record rather than its aspirations, and demonstrated why the First Minister and other politicians love a good contest.


    Making promises is so much easier than keeping them.
    After years in door-knocking mode, the SNP ranks got antsy. Where was the referendum they had been promised? Surely Ms Sturgeon’s talk of a “triple lock mandate” the previous year wasn’t just a piece of rhetorical thistledown?
    Troubled by the listlessness at the top, the Yes movement took it on itself to organise.
    A series of marches organised by the All Under One Banner group brought tens of thousands on to the streets of cities around Scotlandthrough the spring and summer.
    In the SNP deputy leadership race, Inverclyde councillor Chris McEleny stood on an explicit platform of a second referendum in 2019.
    His rivals felt compelled to talk up the prospect of another vote too, although they were more circumspect about dates.
    Nor did the party’s long-lost Growth Commission allay activist jitters when it finally appeared.
    Andrew Wilson’s revised economic blueprint for independence was more curds and vinegar than milk and honey. The left of the party baulked at its hairshirt focus on deficit reduction and its plan to keep sterling.
    More tensions bubbled to the surface at the SNP’s October conference, with MP Angus Macneil telling his party not to “dither like the Jacobites at Derby” when they gave up their march on London.
    Other MPs suggested independence might arrive via an unidentified “democratic event” rather than a referendum, given Theresa Mayrefused to grant the latter.


    It was hardly a schism, but such shows of frustration and doubt with the leadership are rare in the modern SNP.
    Citing the delays and muddle over Brexit, the First Minister backed away from her pledge to give a “precise timescale” for Indyref2 in the autumn, kicking her announcement into the New Year - for now - and making a People’s Vote on Brexit her priority, even though another EU referendum would not leave enough time for a new independence vote before 2021.
    By December, even Alex Salmond was questioning his successor’s appetite for a second referendum, wondering on his RT TV show if the “Caledonian lifeboat” would ever be launched.
    The former first minister was a key part of the SNP’s grim year. In January, two female civil servants made sexual misconduct complaints against him relating to 2013.
    It would be another seven months, after an investigation overseen by Permanent Secretary Leslie Evans, that their existence would enter the public domain.
    When they did, the effect was explosive. Furious at the way the case had been handled, Mr Salmond launched a judicial review against the government he once led and quit the SNP after 45 years as a member, 20 as its leader, to spare it “internal division”.
    It took him barely three days to crowdsource £100,000 to pay for the legal action.
    Ms Sturgeon publicly backed Ms Evans. Battle lines were drawn. Mr Salmond reportedly refers to his former protegee as Lady Macbeth and is gunning for one of her key aides.


    When the judicial review hearing starts at the Court of Session two weeks today, Mr Salmond and Ms Sturgeon’s government will play for keeps. A polarising fight could see SNP members take sides. It is a moment the party should dread.
    The SNP’s accumulating internal problems were mirrored in office. There were undoubted high spots. The introduction of minimum unit pricing – after a five-year campaign by the drinks industry to block it – was a global moment in public health.
    The reorganisation of income tax into five bands, albeit under pressure from the Scottish Greens, was another bold change. Derek Mackay’s decision not to copy Tory tax cuts in England and Wales for the wealthy has continued the experiment, despite flak about a cross-border tax gap.
    But in education, Ms Sturgeon’s top priority, and in health, which consumes almost half the Scottish revenue budget, the Government’s record has been lamentable.
    There is no expectation that NHS waiting time or treatment targets will be hit any more. When the monthly stats come out, the only question is how badly they will be missed.
    Demonstrating how much tougher it is to run a delivery department than shuffle money, former finance secretary John Swinney has toiled in the education brief.
    In June, he was forced to halt his flagship school reform bill because of a lack of support. To give him cover for this woeful climbdown, Ms Sturgeon reshuffled her Cabinet the same day, getting shot of Shona Robison from health and Keith Brown from economy.


    But the excitement at the promotion of a new generation of ministers didn’t last long. In a blog written long before she became an MSP, Gillian Martin had written about “hairy knuckled, lipstick-wearing transgender laydees”.
    Despite its existence being reported in 2016, no one in government read it for the reshuffle. Ms Martin became the mayfly minister, in charge of higher education for a day, then gone. Ms Sturgeon’s judgment was put under the microscope and found wanting.
    Mr Swinney was also humiliated by MSPs voting against standardised testing for P1 pupils, and by some councils refusing to implement it.
    The first teachers’ strike in a generation is looming over pay.

    But as Ms Sturgeon’s deputy, he remains unsackable.
    At health, Jeane Freeman has come clean about problems she has inherited, writing off £150 million of emergency loans to health boards they can’t repay and admitting “legally binding” waiting time guarantees will be missed until 2021.
    However Audit Scotland continues to warn of cash problems in health as well as across local government, where reserves are being run down to an alarming degree.
    It’s been no picnic on the railways either, with ScotRail’s performance hitting record lows, and Transport Secretary Michael Matheson impotently huffing and puffing at the franchise holder Abellio.


    Worse, he waived sanctions for their lousy service after accepting much of the blame lay with Network Rail, which is owned by the UK Government. The SNP’s plan to merge British Transport Police and Police Scotland north of the Border was aborted.
    As with much of Brexit, the fights of a few months ago, so intense at the time, seem dim and distant. In the spring, Ms Sturgeon and Michael Russell led a cross-party Continuity Bill through Holyroodto avoid a ‘power grab’ of devolved competencies.
    But the Supreme Court effectively gutted it after a challenge by the UK government delayed its Royal Assent and allowed Westminster’s EU Withdrawal Act to supersede it.
    Mr Russell also threatened to gum up the constitutional works by withholding consent for any Brexit-related Bill that came to Holyrood under the Sewel convention, then quietly backed down in the face of a Bill that was needed to give Scots health cover after Brexit.
    Despite all that, Ms Sturgeon remains a top-flight politician.
    In the last year, she has successfully portrayed Scotland as a beacon of stability amid the roiling chaos of Brexit. Her attacks on Jeremy Corbynfor vacillating over the biggest political issue in a generation have struck home. Her early emphasis on customs and single market continuity has been adopted by other parties.
    But turning the calendar on 2018 will not put her problems behind her. The SNP’s basic plan in government – keep things simmering along inoffensively until there’s a Yes vote – looks uninspiring and timid, even in its own ranks.
    Brexit also seems to have given voters their fill of constitutional upheaval. There is little appetite for a second independence referendum.
    The weary “will she, won’t she” dance about the timing of another vote is likely to reach its anti-climax soon.
    If there is no general election or People’s Vote in 2019, the focus on Scotland’s public services will intensify, and it will not be to the SNP’s advantage. Mr Salmond’s day in court is nigh. The police continue their investigations.

    Any party in power as long as the SNP is self-evidently a “mature” government. The question for 2019 is whether it is now entering infirmity.









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    Quote Originally Posted by Borchester View Post
    Here you go Moray, complete with Wee Krankie showing her delight at remembering to wear clean knickers for her photo op..


    Tom Gordon: Bit of an annus horribilis for Nicola Sturgeon and the SNP

    By Tom Gordon

    Nicola Sturgeon, Alex Salmond and John Swinney.



    It has been a fascinating 2018 for the SNP, but seldom in a good way.
    91 comments
    It was a strange lull for Nicola Sturgeon’s party, the first year since 2013 without an election or a referendum to animate it. Arguably, it was the first such year for a decade, given 2013 was so dominated by the independence fight.
    It showed. The SNP lacked its usual dynamo.
    The absence of a campaign put the spotlight on to its record rather than its aspirations, and demonstrated why the First Minister and other politicians love a good contest.


    Making promises is so much easier than keeping them.
    After years in door-knocking mode, the SNP ranks got antsy. Where was the referendum they had been promised? Surely Ms Sturgeon’s talk of a “triple lock mandate” the previous year wasn’t just a piece of rhetorical thistledown?
    Troubled by the listlessness at the top, the Yes movement took it on itself to organise.
    A series of marches organised by the All Under One Banner group brought tens of thousands on to the streets of cities around Scotlandthrough the spring and summer.
    In the SNP deputy leadership race, Inverclyde councillor Chris McEleny stood on an explicit platform of a second referendum in 2019.
    His rivals felt compelled to talk up the prospect of another vote too, although they were more circumspect about dates.
    Nor did the party’s long-lost Growth Commission allay activist jitters when it finally appeared.
    Andrew Wilson’s revised economic blueprint for independence was more curds and vinegar than milk and honey. The left of the party baulked at its hairshirt focus on deficit reduction and its plan to keep sterling.
    More tensions bubbled to the surface at the SNP’s October conference, with MP Angus Macneil telling his party not to “dither like the Jacobites at Derby” when they gave up their march on London.
    Other MPs suggested independence might arrive via an unidentified “democratic event” rather than a referendum, given Theresa Mayrefused to grant the latter.


    It was hardly a schism, but such shows of frustration and doubt with the leadership are rare in the modern SNP.
    Citing the delays and muddle over Brexit, the First Minister backed away from her pledge to give a “precise timescale” for Indyref2 in the autumn, kicking her announcement into the New Year - for now - and making a People’s Vote on Brexit her priority, even though another EU referendum would not leave enough time for a new independence vote before 2021.
    By December, even Alex Salmond was questioning his successor’s appetite for a second referendum, wondering on his RT TV show if the “Caledonian lifeboat” would ever be launched.
    The former first minister was a key part of the SNP’s grim year. In January, two female civil servants made sexual misconduct complaints against him relating to 2013.
    It would be another seven months, after an investigation overseen by Permanent Secretary Leslie Evans, that their existence would enter the public domain.
    When they did, the effect was explosive. Furious at the way the case had been handled, Mr Salmond launched a judicial review against the government he once led and quit the SNP after 45 years as a member, 20 as its leader, to spare it “internal division”.
    It took him barely three days to crowdsource £100,000 to pay for the legal action.
    Ms Sturgeon publicly backed Ms Evans. Battle lines were drawn. Mr Salmond reportedly refers to his former protegee as Lady Macbeth and is gunning for one of her key aides.


    When the judicial review hearing starts at the Court of Session two weeks today, Mr Salmond and Ms Sturgeon’s government will play for keeps. A polarising fight could see SNP members take sides. It is a moment the party should dread.
    The SNP’s accumulating internal problems were mirrored in office. There were undoubted high spots. The introduction of minimum unit pricing – after a five-year campaign by the drinks industry to block it – was a global moment in public health.
    The reorganisation of income tax into five bands, albeit under pressure from the Scottish Greens, was another bold change. Derek Mackay’s decision not to copy Tory tax cuts in England and Wales for the wealthy has continued the experiment, despite flak about a cross-border tax gap.
    But in education, Ms Sturgeon’s top priority, and in health, which consumes almost half the Scottish revenue budget, the Government’s record has been lamentable.
    There is no expectation that NHS waiting time or treatment targets will be hit any more. When the monthly stats come out, the only question is how badly they will be missed.
    Demonstrating how much tougher it is to run a delivery department than shuffle money, former finance secretary John Swinney has toiled in the education brief.
    In June, he was forced to halt his flagship school reform bill because of a lack of support. To give him cover for this woeful climbdown, Ms Sturgeon reshuffled her Cabinet the same day, getting shot of Shona Robison from health and Keith Brown from economy.


    But the excitement at the promotion of a new generation of ministers didn’t last long. In a blog written long before she became an MSP, Gillian Martin had written about “hairy knuckled, lipstick-wearing transgender laydees”.
    Despite its existence being reported in 2016, no one in government read it for the reshuffle. Ms Martin became the mayfly minister, in charge of higher education for a day, then gone. Ms Sturgeon’s judgment was put under the microscope and found wanting.
    Mr Swinney was also humiliated by MSPs voting against standardised testing for P1 pupils, and by some councils refusing to implement it.
    The first teachers’ strike in a generation is looming over pay.

    But as Ms Sturgeon’s deputy, he remains unsackable.
    At health, Jeane Freeman has come clean about problems she has inherited, writing off £150 million of emergency loans to health boards they can’t repay and admitting “legally binding” waiting time guarantees will be missed until 2021.
    However Audit Scotland continues to warn of cash problems in health as well as across local government, where reserves are being run down to an alarming degree.
    It’s been no picnic on the railways either, with ScotRail’s performance hitting record lows, and Transport Secretary Michael Matheson impotently huffing and puffing at the franchise holder Abellio.


    Worse, he waived sanctions for their lousy service after accepting much of the blame lay with Network Rail, which is owned by the UK Government. The SNP’s plan to merge British Transport Police and Police Scotland north of the Border was aborted.
    As with much of Brexit, the fights of a few months ago, so intense at the time, seem dim and distant. In the spring, Ms Sturgeon and Michael Russell led a cross-party Continuity Bill through Holyroodto avoid a ‘power grab’ of devolved competencies.
    But the Supreme Court effectively gutted it after a challenge by the UK government delayed its Royal Assent and allowed Westminster’s EU Withdrawal Act to supersede it.
    Mr Russell also threatened to gum up the constitutional works by withholding consent for any Brexit-related Bill that came to Holyrood under the Sewel convention, then quietly backed down in the face of a Bill that was needed to give Scots health cover after Brexit.
    Despite all that, Ms Sturgeon remains a top-flight politician.
    In the last year, she has successfully portrayed Scotland as a beacon of stability amid the roiling chaos of Brexit. Her attacks on Jeremy Corbynfor vacillating over the biggest political issue in a generation have struck home. Her early emphasis on customs and single market continuity has been adopted by other parties.
    But turning the calendar on 2018 will not put her problems behind her. The SNP’s basic plan in government – keep things simmering along inoffensively until there’s a Yes vote – looks uninspiring and timid, even in its own ranks.
    Brexit also seems to have given voters their fill of constitutional upheaval. There is little appetite for a second independence referendum.
    The weary “will she, won’t she” dance about the timing of another vote is likely to reach its anti-climax soon.
    If there is no general election or People’s Vote in 2019, the focus on Scotland’s public services will intensify, and it will not be to the SNP’s advantage. Mr Salmond’s day in court is nigh. The police continue their investigations.

    Any party in power as long as the SNP is self-evidently a “mature” government. The question for 2019 is whether it is now entering infirmity.









    Couldnt really be bothered reading it borkie , any scot worth their salt could probably recite nigh on word for word the latest SNP bad article published in desperation by tam gordon and his ilk through their favourite vehicle of propaganda , the declining newspaper.

    The thing is borkie , while the latest wee krankie bad article might set your loins on fire in ecstasy , the problem you have is outwith your generation , no one is reading newspapers in scotland , never mind believing a word that is printed in them.

    You are fighting a 21st century propaganda war with a 19th/20th century propaganda vehicle , and while you reached enough in 2014 through tv and newspapers to hold off scottish independence for a few more years , your audience is rapidly dwindling fast.

    Wings pointed out back in november 2011 that the total scottish daily newspaper sales had dipped below the million mark for the first time in history (986 657) , and 7 years later last november , that figure was almost halved again down to 492 353.

    The rag you quote is barely selling 24 265 copies.

    Over the same period , global daily print has increased.

    Again no one is listening borkie. Its like the boy who cried wolf , after so many times no one believes a thing they say which is why we have the ever increasing frenzy of desperation by the british nationalist media as they continue to lose control of the hearts and minds of the population.

    Whilst these stories appear to make you puff up in happiness , sadly for you a few thousand rapidly dwindling geriatrics who believe the lies tom gordon and his ilk print wont be enough to save your union for you this time.
    sing to me the history of my country. It is sweet to the soul to hear it. Flann Mac Lonain ( c.850-918 a.d)
    Alba gu brath An rud is fhiach a ghabhail, 's fhiach e iarraidh

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    Here is another example borkie of the brit nat guff we are exposed to on a daily basis which is why most folk laugh at the media in scotland.

    Russia and China ‘using Scotland to destabilise UK’


    Russia and China are using Scotland as a back door to influence British policy and destabilise the Union, a foreign affairs expert has claimed.
    Authoritarian regimes find a “friendlier ear” in Scotland than London, according to John Hemmings, a director of the Asia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society (HJS), a foreign policy think tank.
    https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/3...a-52868904fdf4

    bear in mind these are the same people who claimed brexit was the fruit of the labours of russian bots on social media , what makes me laugh is how they think we have short memories when you recall this from 2014...




    its all the nasty russians fault except when you brits are asking the russians for help or tory politicians are trousering large brown envelopes of cash from russian oligarchs.
    sing to me the history of my country. It is sweet to the soul to hear it. Flann Mac Lonain ( c.850-918 a.d)
    Alba gu brath An rud is fhiach a ghabhail, 's fhiach e iarraidh

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    Quote Originally Posted by thomas View Post
    Here is another example borkie of the brit nat guff we are exposed to on a daily basis which is why most folk laugh at the media in scotland.



    https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/3...a-52868904fdf4

    bear in mind these are the same people who claimed brexit was the fruit of the labours of russian bots on social media , what makes me laugh is how they think we have short memories when you recall this from 2014...




    its all the nasty russians fault except when you brits are asking the russians for help or tory politicians are trousering large brown envelopes of cash from russian oligarchs.
    Well he did didn't he? he gave him a job on RT,as good as the UK kiss of death.It works both ways if I remember rightly,as Vlad asked for help himself just lately.Mind you the Russians were in such panic the only comments allowed were pro Russian.
    17,410,742 people said LEAVE!

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